On Account of My Husband, Parents and Little Boy

Chapter One: Discoveries

Bert Parmaster had been engaged to haul rubbish from Salvation Army Maternity and Rescue Home at Des Moines, Iowa. He began this task about three o’clock on the afternoon of 4 April 1916. From initial wagonload, dumped that Tuesday at Southeast Sixth Street bridge, the site’s Dump Master discovered an infant’s body.

A person undisclosed telephoned police. Assistant Chief William Edward Weaver (1870-1961, left), with Sergeant Sherman E. Delmege (1881-1953), hurried to the corpse.^[1]

According to Des Moines Register and Leader front-page reporting, the pair “hastened in pursuit of the driver of the wagon and overtook him.” Parmaster disclaimed any knowledge of having hauled dead baby to dump site: he was, however, able to point investigators to place where debris had piled ... along east side of Rescue Home barn.

Images enlarge when clicked.

Townsfolk may have kept an eye on haulings from Rescue Home ash pit. Nine years earlier, February 1907, Clara Belle (Eduards) West (1870-1951, right), Proprietress of Oakdale Lying-In Hospital (which had earlier been a Salvation Army maternity operation) was put on trial for similar abomination. She and her Nurse Anna Beattie (1890-1978) were arrested “for allegedly using the sedative Laudanum to kill blind ‘Baby Jim,’ then incinerating his body in the furnace and dumping the remains in the cinder pile,” per Zeller. The City had gone into paroxysms, tamping down on ‘baby mills’ among anti-vice initiatives also targeting prostitution and liquor.^[2]

Police in 1916 called Claude H. Koons (c1888-1917, left), Mortician for Patrick, Selover, Knight & Hamilton. Koons was in second term as Polk County, Iowa Coroner.^[3] He apparently observed crime scenes and saw remains removed to the funeral parlor.^[4]

English-born Salvation Army Adjutant Edith E. Dennis (b. c1863), Superintendent of the Home, declared “after viewing the body that she could throw no light on the child’s identity.^[5] She said it was her belief that the body had been left on the rubbish pile Sunday night by some woman who wished to dispose of her child.” This may have been based on observations lent by Captain Alice Morrow and Ensign Ida Alhstrow, also employed at the Home: they “heard a horse and wagon, back of the barn, shortly after midnight Sunday night,” and were “of the opinion the body was left by the person driving the wagon.”

Washerwoman Rosina Theresa ‘Rosa’ (Gash, Miller) Barton (1881-1956, right) greatly advanced investigation. Austrian-born Barton accompanied police officers and a Register reporter, and “positively identified the blanket in which the child was wrapped. She said the blanket belonged to Mrs. Anna Duty, who stayed at her house for several weeks. She is the wife of Ben Duty, a laborer.” (The itinerant pair did not own horse or wagon, however.)

Barton was firm: she declared couple “constantly were quarreling.” She informed that the husband had threatened to leave his wife if she did not get rid of the baby. “It became so that I could not stand it any longer and I had to ask them to leave. They neglected the baby and I believe the child starved to death after they left my house. I am positive the baby in the undertaking establishment is the same child.”

Barton provided crucial but daunting leads. “The man said, when he left, that he would ship one of his trunks to Chicago and the other to Minneapolis.”

The Evening Tribune at Des Moines incandesced in later edition. Front page, column 1 headline decried “NURSES LEARN IDENTITY OF BASKET BABE.” By their account, “Little One Found Dead at Army Rescue Home” had been “FOUND ONCE BEFORE IN STARVING STATE.”^[6] (I never found authorities referencing a basket; the child – initially, at least – might have more logically been bruited as 'Blanket Baby.')

And, where there is heat, might also be enlightenment: Miss Adah Louisa Hershey (1880-1947), Superintendent of Des Moines’ Public Health Nursing Association, with Miss Minnie M. Bush, Assistant Secretary for Associated Charities of Des Moines, described 18 March “rescue which resulted in saving the little one from starvation.” (Eighteen days earlier.)

On advice from the Polk County Physician, nameless infant of undisclosed gender had been taken to Iowa Methodist Hospital (right). It was discharged 25 March “as strong enough to be cared for at home by the mother. Nurses at the hospital … said the baby gained several pounds during the week it was there and was able to assimilate its food. Mrs. Dudi, say the nurses, frequently visited the baby and displayed sincere motherly affection.”

“There can be no question about the identity of the Dudi baby,” Nurse Hershey pronounced. “I believe the mother really loved the child but the father did not want it and said he would not live with his wife if she kept the baby.”

C. M. Young, Secretary of the Iowa Humane Society, had occasioned a grand jury to try facts on Ben Dudi’s alleged desertion.^[7] Indictment had been returned. According to this report, husband and wife had been arrested on complaint filed in Juvenile Court. “They were charged with willful desertion, the mother being accused of purposely failing to care for her baby.” No adjudication was described.

Perhaps credit for doggedness is due Des Moines Police Detective Roy J. Chamberlain (1888-1968, right). Chamberlain subsequently traced his quarry, “by means of their baggage, to Chicago. He arrived there after they had left but discovered that the pair was in Minneapolis and expected money from a relative. He then wired the Minneapolis police, who took the two into custody at the St. Anthony Falls bank” on 8 April. The Minneapolis Journal reported Chamberlain arrived at the Twin Cities the following day, to extradite Mr. and Mrs. ‘Bergen Dude’ “to face a charge of strangling their six-weeks-old daughter, Rose.” The tale had grown even more sordid: “It was first believed by the Des Moines police that the child, in a weakened condition, had been tossed on the heap to die of starvation. Investigation by the coroner [Koons] is said to have indicated that the baby was strangled.” Chamberlain may have been emotionally invested: the former Minnie Shicker (1888-1964) was due to deliver their first child, daughter Margaret, on 10 August.

The Minneapolis Morning Tribune declared the dead baby girl was named ‘Rosa.’ As for identification, it wouldn’t be until 13 April that the Journal would cite records sufficient for me to identify defendant Bolesław ‘Ben’ Duda (1884-1963). Wife was depicted as Anna (Garbacz) Duda. (‘Mrs. Anna Duty,’ above.) I, perhaps mistakenly, believe spouse to have been Rozalia ‘Rosa’ (Rudnicki) Duda (b. c1887), mother of baby Rosa.^[8] By then the English-language-proficient but not-yet-naturalized Catholic Poles in Des Moines jail had legal representation.

Brothers, partnered Minneapolis attorneys John P. Nash, Jr. (1881-1922) and William M. Nash (1882-1934, right), mustered a defense. ^[9] Minneapolis Health Department record had certified an infant death, 2 April. (Two days prior to discovery of Des Moines corpse.) Attending Minneapolis Physician (Iowa-born) Richard James Phelan (1876-1925) “gave a description of the father and mother, which tallied with that of the prisoners taken to Des Moines.” Dr. Phelan had pronounced “bronchial pneumonia was the cause of death,” in Minneapolis Tribune reporting.^[10]

Three Des Moines witnesses had identified body there as the Dudi baby. Three witnesses in Minneapolis averred Duda baby had been interred northward. Chillingly, Koons proposed “The only way to settle it, is to take the Minneapolis body to Des Moines, lay the two side by side and have all the witnesses look at them.” Press frenzy at Des Moines thrilled at macabre prospect.

On 13 April the Polk County Attorney ‘demanded’ Minneapolis cadaver be exhumed. Koons arrived at the city two days later … with or without the Basket Baby’s corpse. Hennepin County Coroner Gilbert Carl August Seashore (1874-1951) promptly authorized Minneapolis disinterment.^[11]

“The grave was opened in a drizzling rain late yesterday, five days after the body of Rose Dudi was buried at St. Mary’s cemetery, April 3,” reported Sunday Journal ... from front page at Minneapolis, 16 April. With Koons were Dr. Phelan, attorneys Nash, reporters, and no doubt morbidly curious onlookers.

“Resemblance between the exhumed body and that found on the refuse heap at Des Moines is so close Coroner Koon said that he readily understood how those who confused the two arrived at their conclusions” the Journal announced. The Tribune at Minneapolis contended Koons finally, on 17 April, “wired the chief of police and county attorney at Des Moines to release Ben and Anna” ‘Dadi.’ For all the errors he’d made, in the Basket Baby’s date and cause of death, Mortician Koons (and justice delivery) might have benefitted from forensic tutelage by Dr. Seashore.

To his credit, Koons had informed the Sunday Journal “I shall not only ask the dismissal of the charge against Mr. and Mrs. Dudi, but I shall ask the Des Moines police to begin [immediate] investigation to determine whose baby it was which was found.” The grieving Bolesław and Rosa returned with two surviving children to New Jersey, to live out their days in proximity of his brother Stanisław Duda. Likely without bidding adieu to former landlady Rosa Barton or meddling neighbors.

Chapter Two: Revelations

Let us return to scene of the crime. Zeller found “The [Salvation Army Rescue Home at Des Moines] in 1917 cared for 81 girls and 71 babies. Of these, 56 babies had left the hospital and five had died [SIC]; a very good rate of success for the times. Seventeen girls and ten babies were typically under was its care at any one time.” The enterprise was surprisingly well endowed. Also, Army brass proved sophisticated in charity-legislative initiatives. Zeller documented deft property trades, and not only close operational ties with other agencies … but capacity to roll out services under female administration. The Rescue Home had been electrified, an operating room added in 1912. Maternity for unwed mothers was impressively addressed charitable concern in Des Moines.

Allie Belle (Moore) Haradon (1889-1962) was described as “a large woman with kind, motherly face” in 1916. Born at Cass County, Iowa, a Des Moines Justice of the Peace had, in 1908, married nineteen-year-old Allie to Teamster William Warren Haradon (1874-1929). A divorcé, his second foray into married life was to a girl fifteen years his junior. Haradon had survived his father … wounded, Union Civil War Veteran Samuel O. ‘Sam’ Haradon (1839-1903). Eldest of three surviving sons, William lived with mother Nancy A. (Meader) Haradon (c1852-c1932) until attaining his mid-thirties. Allie, firstborn of Day Laborer Jacob Theodore Moore (1859-1946) and the former Maggie Lena Robinson (1869-1946) had seventh-grade education … and was likely to have been the more educated in her marriage.

Allie had given birth to Harold Laurence Haradon (1910-1985). By the time family tableau (right) was rendered, William Haradon had labored along in freighting wagons at Des Moines for several years.

Allie had, in February 1916, placed classified advertisement in the Des Moines Register and Leader. She was intent on adopting a girl child. By Register finding, a “baby was adopted from the home of Ernest and Emma Ohrtman of Bagley,” Iowa on 6 March. Allie “brought it straight to her home in Des Moines.”

And the story fractures into scenarios.

‘W. W.’ Haradon informed the Register “he and his wife decided after she had brought the baby to their home that they could not raise her conveniently and it was decided to give her away.” Evening Tribune followed with variant, emotive frame: “It was the husband who, police say, first objected to the adoption of the baby, and the police believe that Mrs. Haradon’s great love for him might have driven her to desert the child after keeping it for only a day.” The Sioux City Journal from some distance contended Mrs. Allie Haradon “had adopted it from a woman at Bagley, Ia., but says it was unhealthy and she decided not to keep it.” I’m struck by genderless references. And immediacy of Wagoneer William Haradon’s reaction.

Dormant following Dudas’ exoneration, front pages of Des Moines papers blossomed with news that Allie was arrested 16 May. In the Haradon home.

I conject Allie had transited from subtler disquiet while Dudas were under investigation. She reported sleepless nights after their release. Phantasms may have been harrowing, indeed. The twice dismissed infant had not been laid to rest. Koons retained evidence at the ready, in morgue at the Polk County Courthouse. Allie was transported to Des Moines City Jail.

Though two other detectives took up the case, no revelation on how they came to put themselves on Haradon doorstep was made public. I suspect Allie could not contain herself. She gave up her secret to another. Reporting made it clear she was astoundingly inclined to confess … and seems to indicate she only came clean with William once she had been jailed. For all I know, the divulgence had been pre-arranged. More than one paper concluded with “Mrs. Haradon said that her husband had nothing to do with the death of the baby,” drawn from her confession. Under subhead ‘Woman Conscience-Stricken,’ the Register related “About April 5 my husband told me that some man had found a baby on the dump. I made up my mind it was the baby I had abandoned. I read nearly all the articles in the paper about Ben Dudi and his wife being arrested for killing this baby. I thought at the time I should give myself up and stand punishment for what I had done, but on account of my husband, parents and little boy I could not do it.”

For his part, W. W. confided to Register reporter on 17 May “I supposed my wife had given the baby away, and dismissed the matter from my mind. Not until today did I dream that she had abandoned the child.”

While backing off from confession to abject murder, Allie’s account of events did not waiver from initial story-telling. Affidavit following arrest anchored her into it: “I took it to a shed near the Salvation Army home. When I left, it was nursing the bottle. I supposed the Salvation Army people would find the baby and give it a home. When my husband came home from work, I told him I had given the child away. He asked me what name I gave the people.” Allie replied she had not named the infant, and that “I abandoned the baby March 7 and have not seen it since.” Remorseful by all accounts, Allie claimed responsibility for a death. Overwrought, she had been signatory to document interrogators had constructed.

By Allie’s disclosure, the infant died between 7 March and Dump Master’s ultimate discovery of the corpse on 4 April. I sense four weeks to be extraordinary interval. (Inexpert Koons reported the baby dead a mere twenty-four hours in postmortem analysis.) I can readily imagine Allie would not expect confirmatory reporting on foundling taken into Rescue Home in near-monthlong interim. Until cadaver’s revelation, I suppose, she could have contented herself.

She had known of tragic outcome from her March decision – not to reveal shame-tinted predicament to Salvation Army staff – for forty-two days. Duda parents had unconscionably been under disgracing suspicion of murder for thirteen of them. They too quite likely fostered deep concern for their children ... rendered parentless in transit, following loss of a sibling.

Des Moines Detectives reached out to German-born Ernest Otto Heinrich Ohrtman (1877-1922) … and ‘wife.’ From Register reporting on day immediately following arrest, one discerns investigation by Detective Thomas Roy Pettit (1891-1962) and Officer George Ferdnand ‘Fred’ Trimble (1875-1933), left, had been ongoing prior to their apprehension of Allie Haradon. Mailed intel must have been several days in exchange prior to 17 May receipt: “In reply to an inquiry made by Detective Chief James McDonald, a letter was received from Mrs. Ernest Ohrtman, asking if the baby was getting along all right.”^[12] Correspondent seemed unaware inquiry was linked to a child’s remains. To outrage prominent in clangorous reporting for a month. “Mrs. Ohrtman said the child did not belong to her but to her husband’s first wife.” The former Lavina Johnson (1883-1954) had, in 1914 at Pomeroy, Iowa, sued Ohrtman for divorce.^[13]

When questioned by telephone, Ohrtman – supporting himself at Yetter, Iowa the day following Haradon confession – confided to a Tribune reporter he had no plans to go to Des Moines. “Why should I?” he asked. “The baby is not mine.” (Present tense? Infant remains were two months and eight days old.) “I got rid of the woman, and then I didn’t see why I should should keep it.” Ohrtman let it be known “he was divorced from the mother of the child about a year ago, and did not know who its father was.” In questionable assertion, Ohrtman “said his first wife, not he, gave away the baby, and he simply signed the contract with Mrs. Haradon to please her.” I note William Haradon could not be bothered to witness this undertaking.

Under headline ‘Woman Adopts Baby And Then Kills It,’ scant, two-paragraph notice of Mrs. Allie Haradon’s confession appeared, page four, in The San Francisco Examiner 17 May.

Allie was taken before tall, slender Municipal Judge Joseph Ethan Meyer (1882-1960) on 17 May. His only child was a daughter who would celebrate second birthday the following day. “Will you plead guilty to a charge of murder?” he enquired. Only Judge Meyer’s clerk, Policewoman May Goddard and three reporters observed as Allie trembled visibly and “could barely stop her tears.”

“Murder?” the prisoner no doubt gasped. In recoil, “… as if not understanding,” according to Evening Tribune report. “I didn't murder the poor little baby. I just left it in the vacant building.”

“It was as if she couldn’t comprehend what was going on …” “After Mrs. Haradon had haltingly denied the charge of murder, Judge Meyer asked her how long it was between the time the baby was found and when she had deserted it.”^[14]

“The little baby was there a month,” acknowledged Allie. “Then she broke almost completely.” The mournful attestor pleaded “I want to see my husband before I answer any other questions.” I surmise, by William’s absence from proceedings, he abandoned Allie. That, if she were reading newspapers, it was medium by which the couple had been communicating.

Meyer charged the defendant with murder, bound her over for a Grand Jury to try. He ordered the twenty-six-year-old mother held without bail. Allie, who had reportedly been styled ‘The Woman of Tears’ by City jailers and detectives, was immediately transferred to Polk County Jail … across 6^th Avenue from infant victim in the morgue.

A distinctive ‘Mrs. Ernest Ohrtman’ was certainly in circulation. The Des Moines Register and Leader quoted from communique sent by a purported twenty-year-old at Yetter thus styled. (Lavina was likely age thirty-three.) It was apparently Emma who wrote Scots-born Chief of Detectives MacDonald (1867-1927, right). This letter arrived 18 May. She presented as indignant while both self-centered and in close association with her man: “We cannot understand why she murdered our innocent baby. If she didn’t want my baby why didn’t she return it? She didn't have to keep it if she wasn’t satisfied with it.” Emma resolved, of Allie, “We want her to suffer for the awful crime she has done, if she is guilty.” I suppose Ohrtman’s purported second wife intended damage control, to preserve social standing amidst tawdry, public approbation for having birthed unwanted child: “It is impossible for us to come to Des Moines and look after it, as my husband has several men working for him … working every day to make an honest living.” I am reluctant to judge other’s grief, but Emma too seemed to indicate a corpse might require looking after. She and Ernest had probably been asked for burial intentions. For baby they had obligated to another.

German-language Tägliche Omaha Tribune reported on Herr Ohrtman, Frau Allie Haradon and ‘Heilsarmee’ (Salvation Army) on 20 May. Their correspondent was sufficiently informed to relay that Red Line Transfer Company employed Frau Haradon’s ‘Mann’ William.

Salvation Army Commander-in-Chief for Western States, Thomas Estill (1859-1926), astutely conducted Iowa-Nebraska Congress over long weekend at Des Moines, 20-22 May. Well-attended, public meeting (featuring Songster Brigade) facilitated “united demonstration” intended to reset Rescue Home in favorable community regard. Finance Board activity had been impressive prior to scandal: regular luncheons among socially elite women were punctuated with annual fete, Thanksgiving recital, rummage sale and ‘Melting Pot Committee’ converting statewide jewelry donations to operating funds.

A Register and Leader reporter – apparently new to the story – was allowed to look in on “Mrs. Ollie Haradon, foster mother of the “basket babe,” abandoned on a city dump where its lifeless body was later found.” The story’s subject “sits in her cell at the county jail and spends her time weeping and brooding.” 22 May reporting had soft edges: a subhead admitted “Mrs. Ollie Haradon Has Excited Sympathy of Jailers.” Six days in custody, a bereft Allie had not engaged legal counsel.

On 1 June, by 3-2 vote, Polk County Board of Supervisors allocated $500 from pauper fund to Salvation Army Maternity and Rescue Home at Des Moines. In consideration of care said Home would give indigent maternity cases sent there by proper authorities.

The following day a Polk County Grand Jury returned indictments against Allie: for murder in the second degree and ‘exposure of a baby.’ Observe (left) “She Is Charged With Abandoning Famous “Basket Baby”” in Register and Leader sub-headline. And consider what engenders fame. “Basket Babe” appeared in brief copy trumpeting jury decision. I do not know whether Coroner Koons’ determination – that Dudas’ daughter was strangled – carried over to Haradon accusation.

Allie was arraigned before Ninth Iowa Judicial District Justice Hubert Utterback (1880-1942) on 3 June. Represented by Attorney James Morgan Parsons (1858-1937), she entered plea of Not Guilty to all charges. Parsons, interestingly, had been orphaned at the age of ten.^[15]

“One of the most baffling cases ever brought to the attention of the Des Moines police department” was scheduled for trial at the end of September. Des Moines Register and Leader reporting imbued Chief of Detectives MacDonald and Coroner Koons with noteworthy forensic capacity: initially described as ‘blanket,’ the pair determined the baby’s corpse had been swaddled in a piece of white cloth. They detected the shroud “torn from an old tablecloth in a restaurant at Herndon, Iowa.” A mere five miles due East from Bagley site of contract for adoption (and nearly a hundred miles East-Northeast from Des Moines). Further, “Women in the restaurant described the woman to whom they had given the cloth to wrap around the baby.” It seems the near-newborn had been close to naked in conveyance (never did transaction appear as exchange, that Allie paid for the child); one wonders whether rural women stirred themselves in response to abject neglect of an innocent … or whether Allie had presence of mind to pause and organize a babe’s preservation from early March vicissitudes.

For murder, the accused faced minimum sentence of ten years’ confinement to ‘Female Department’ at Anamosa Penitentiary (left). If found guilty on the charge, Utterback had discretion to commit Allie to conclude her life in prison.

War in Europe seized press attention. Space allocated Allie’s plight evaporated beyond Iowa. Quarter-page column on page three contended Allie had been “put through the third degree” before confessing. The Register’s tone was less damning than it had been. First sub-headline alerted to “Foster Mother of Mystery Babe.” As if the pair had bonded. ‘Mothering’ opportunity had not persisted much into second afternoon of foster care.

Murder charges were dropped. Concluding first column on second page of the Evening Times-Republican at Marshalltown, Iowa delivered relatively sparse, 30 December notice: “Another chapter was written today in the basket baby murder mystery.” I did not find any Des Moines papers reporting on culmination of The State of Iowa vs. Allie Haradon.

Trial had that day been conducted in Utterback’s third-floor courtroom at elegant Beaux Arts Polk County Courthouse (right). A Trial Jury found Allie guilty “on a charge of exposing a child” and Utterback from his perch handed down five-year sentence. Evening Times-Republican headline read “Woman to Anamosa,” but Parsons personally signed $2,000 bond. This concluding record I was able to find on the matter reported “Her case is now before the parole board and it is believed she will escape a prison term.”

William ‘Waren’ Haradon (his signature) registered for military conscription 12 September 1918 at Des Moines City Hall. He gave Allie ‘Bell’ Haradon at Caldor Avenue residence as nearest relative. Allie was enumerated with William W. and nine-year-old son Herald Haradon at Caulder Avenue in 14 January 1920 census record: surely parole board appeal would have been litigated by then.

William was near thirteen months dead when forty-year-old Allie was taken to Broadlands Hospital by police ambulance 8 June 1930. She had fainted after pleading guilty to double-parking. Des Moines Tribune-Capital notice did not associate her with Basket Baby or murder.

NOTES

Floss LaVerne (Haradon) Hardesty (1895-1967) was (Allie’s age peer and) paternal grandmother to the author. Sharing descent from William Warren Haradon’s great-grandfather, ‘Flossie’ was second cousin to William … one generation further removed from common ancestor. I thought it unlikely the pair were cognizant of one another. Yet the Queen City Times, at Agra, Oklahoma reported 13 January 1916 (four months prior to Allie’s arrest) that Flossie’s father “is here from Iowa.” Flossie, almost assuredly then at Agra, had in 1905 been enumerated in paternal grandfather Orlin’s household at Early, Iowa. (The town formed around smithery that brothers Orlin and Eli Haradon, Jr. established, 1875.) Early, Iowa was but fifteen miles from Yetter … where admittedly transient Ohrtmans appear in above account. Sac City, where many of her father’s maternal and paternal kinsmen farmed in 1916, was (their county seat and) near midpoint between Yetter and Pomeroy … twenty-five miles distant. Both were places of Ernest Ohrtman residence. I deem it highly likely that Sac County, Iowa Haradons alerted to a cousin of their surname become so prominent in Des Moines reporting. The Queen City Times noted Flossie’s father in return, 28 September 1916 visit to Agra: I now assume word of this sordid affair filtered down to my grandmother.

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[1] Firstborn brother to Sergeant Delmege (right), Frank Raymond Delmege (1873-1909) had been a Des Moines Police Detective when shotgunned to death in attempted apprehension of a suspect. BACK

[2] Jury decision was 9-3 for conviction of West and Beattie: prosecutors declined to retry the case and the pair – likely blameless – reportedly adjourned to ‘Old Mexico.’ (Both were enumerated at Des Moines in 1920 census.) As for anti-vice crusade, Iowa General Assembly introduced statewide prohibition: alcohol ban had gone into effect 1 January 1916. BACK

[3] Coroner Koons, “youngest man ever elected on the republican ticket in Polk county,” according to his obituary, would die four months after Haradon verdict was rendered. He had been compensated $100/month, slightly higher than some of the investigating officers at Des Moines, and outside of income acquired as Embalmer, Mortician. BACK

[4] Koons in 1917 complained Polk County morgue was “a useless thing.” He averred the chamber, without ventilation or running water “… has been used only once since the courthouse was built” eleven years earlier: “The body of the 6-weeks-old girl, adopted by Mrs. Allie Haradon and later found dead on an ash pile, was brought there for examination.” BACK

[5] Matron Dennis, single and boarding at the Home, reported annual income of $216 for the year 1914. BACK

[6] See Des Moines Register reporter William H. ‘Bill’ Millhaen, Sr. in Wertsch for World-War-I-era changes in editorial policy: “We built up feature stories as well as crimes of violence and tales of misfortune. If you could tie into a big headline, the paper would sell,” particularly among street-vending paperboys. “We manufactured headlines that would sell papers on the street.”

After 1916 prohibition settled into place, 'Basket Baby' murder displaced simmering and months-running dispute over Mayoral decision to ban the film Birth of a Nation as distribution was scheduled to rotate to Berchel Theater at Des Moines in April. I was suprised by Grand Army of the Republic veterans publicly contentious in opposition to racially disparaging messaging. BACK

[7] I believe C. M. to have been the extraordinary Clarence Marshall Young (1889-1973, right). Raised in Des Moines, preceding Yale Law School degree with Drake University diploma there, he would be one of five enlisted in Aviation Section of the nation’s Signal Reserve Corps to be sent, 1917, to train to pilot tri-motor Italian Caproni bombers. Shot down and captured the following summer, Colonel Young would serve in Hoover and Roosevelt administrations, regulate commercial aviation and retire as Vice President of Pan American World Airways.

‘C. M. Young,’ Secretary and ‘Humane Officer’ of the Iowa Humane Society, in 1931 successfully appealed adverse Polk County decision of 1928. On 30 January 1928, Dugan v. Midwest Cap Co. (wherein Young, under authority of the county’s Insanity Commission, had issued warrant then being contested for merit) had been dismissed for plaintiff’s failure to appear for trial. On 1 February 1928 – two days later – dashing aviator Young sailed from San Francisco aboard S. S. Maui for Honolulu. BACK

[8] 1918 draft record registered a Boleslaw Duda (b. 1884) of medium height and build, with brown eyes and black hair. At Irvington, New Jersey. Spouse appeared as ‘Rosalia.’ Daughter Sofia (b. c1907 at New Jersey) had been enumerated 1910 with Bolesław (b. c1885) and ‘Rosa’ (b. c1887, married 1907) on mortgaged farm in rural Slavic community at Wisconsin. Per 1920 census, Sofia had been joined by brother Edward Duda (1912-1981), also New-Jersey-born: the family had returned to Newark environs there. I contend Sofia and Edward were alive and likely in traverse when sister Rosa died at Minneapolis and parents were incarcerated. Bolesław and spouse Rozalia were deemed literate in 1910; they had immigrated separately shortly after turn of the 20^th century, were naturalized in 1917.

Sofia and Edward may not have been left shiftless at Minneapolis. I found three others surnamed ‘Duda’ thought to be interred in Catholic-consecrated Saint Mary’s Cemetery ... all born between 1888 and 1897. They would have been in late teens to their twenties in 1916. Confoundingly, I note Find a Grave memorial not associated with any marker, for Mary Anna (Garbacz) Duda (1897-1953), maiden name identified in Journal reporting. BACK

[9] Brothers Nash would be tainted by 1920 Winnipeg Liquor Conspiracy. William had by then been elected Hennepin County Attorney … and was indicted and arrested for bribery and bootlegging. Minnesota Governor Joseph Alfred Arner Burnquist (1879-1961) ordered William removed from office … in scandal revealing elder brother John (right) as Minneapolis brothel owner. The Iowa Humane Society had, since at least 1912, with resources and careful planning from office in Polk County courthouse, prosecuted investigations to disestablish “white slave traffic” among vulnerable women. Had handed evidence ready for trial to Des Moines law enforcement. John Nash, in the trade and upon hearing Dudas’ “civil rights affliction” brought on by Young and the Iowa organization, may have been predisposed to offer multi-jurisdiction defense of Dudas’ case. BACK

[10] Dr. Phelan’s son Richard B. would succumb to disease, age nine in 1920. By alumni association account, the 1903 University of Minnesota Medical School graduate died of injuries sustained in 1928 “jump from window.” BACK

[11] Iowa-born Seashore (right) ran for Hennepin Coroner in 1908. “My first day in office satisfied me that I had stepped into an awful mess,” the death-certifier later recalled. “That day the new coroner had seven calls, including the case of a suicide victim in whose pockets Dr. Seashore found a handful of cards advocating his election.” Governor Burnquist would appoint Seashore Acting Hennepin County Sheriff in 1920 anti-corruption remedy. BACK

[12] Chief MacDonald was in 1916 father to three daughters, ages twelve to nineteen. Per obituary, his twenty-year police career ended in 1924. BACK

[13] See The Pomeroy Herald, 15 Sep 1949, p. 8, col. 1 for 1914 retrospective. Ernest apparently acknowledged son Harry Leroy Ohrtman born to Lavina in 1912. Two of the couple’s three purported children were born following the House Carpenter’s 1908 bankruptcy. Ohrtman can be distinguished from William Haradon by 1912 Evening Times-Republican report … that Ohrtman’s automobile “became unmanageable” at Pomeroy depot. “The auto disputed the right of way with a freight engine.” Haradon apparently drove regularly for transport companies, was at the time likely considered a proficient horsecart driver. Ohrtman’s 1922 Lake County Times death notice (at Munster, Indiana) bore headline ‘Bitter End.’ Beneath: “Efforts of police to interest [friends] of the dead man in the east to provide decent burial proved unavailing.” BACK

[14] Attorney ‘Joe’ Meyer had been on Des Moines municipal bench but two months. The Bystander at Des Moines, “The Best and only medium that reaches the colored people of the middle west,” had given him affirming front-page press in March campaign.

Inquiry for length of time passed may allude to considered prosecutorial scenario whereby the baby had been killed before any could witnesses it within Haradon’s custody ... and late-night wagon had indeed transported long-dead body to Rescue Home just prior to 4 April discovery.

Four-story Masonic Temple of Des Moines had been raised, 1913: Meyer was in elevated rank of brotherhood assembling there … as were members of Des Moines Police Department with best prospects for career advancement. Attorney Parsons, who would become Chief Justice of the Iowa Supreme Court, would be interred at Des Moines Masonic Cemetery. As would Detective Chamberlain and Chief of Detectives MacDonald. BACK

[15] Drake University Graduate Utterback (Class of ’08) had been elevated from Judge of the Des Moines Police Court (1912-1914) in 1915. He had, at time of trial, apparently not yet become President of the Iowa Humane Society.

Parsons matriculated from Iowa State College (Class of 1876). By New York Times obituary he left Civil Engineering at Cornell University to read law ... after taking satisfaction in settling legal dispute. Another biographer asserted ‘Jim’ Parsons had prevailed over his legal Guardian. BACK

Good Luck If It Hits

The Restoration had begun: Charles II was on the British throne. A lad named Edward Milstead (1656-1734) traipsed Bethersden, County of Kent, in England. He was listed as a ‘labourer’ when – at perhaps aged 15 – he is to have stolen "3 shillings in money" from the home of widow Martha Tapely. On the same day, 7 April 1671, Milstead is to have burgled the house of James Bateman and stolen two nutmegs (value 1 pence) and one pound of gingerbread (value 3 pence).

Young Edward was tried on both counts by a 12-man jury in August 1671 in the Maidstone Assizes. He was found guilty of larceny. [See Maidstone Assizes 35/112/5, item 1416.]

A 1671 crime would have followed the Great Fire of London by five years, and the outbreak of plague by six: it’s possible Edward Milstead had been orphaned. Some think the father of our subject was another Edward Milstead. A lath-cleaver of Bethersden, the elder Milstead was, on 22 June 1654 - at the beginning of Cromwell's reign during the Interregnum - indicted for trespass. This Milstead (likely christened 1627) and others had "assembled riotously at Pluckley, forcibly entered a close in the possession of Israel Tonge (1621-1680), rector of Pluckley, and cut down and carried away five oaks." [See Maidstone Assizes 35/95/12, item 1034.] Trees would have been useful to a Lath Cleaver, engaged as he was in splitting wood strips from timber, to be used as building materials. Being "much vexed with factious parishioners and Quakers," Tonge left Kent in the spring of 1657. Two who were indicted with Milstead - Elias, shovel-maker, and Stephen Tonge, Sr., yeoman - shared the Anglican cleric's surname.

One account has the young burglar, Edward Milstead (1656-1734), related to a churchwarden. In Kent stands the 'Milstead Manor House,' begun 1256. The nearby Milstead Church was erected by the pious in 1541. “Perhaps Edward Milstead’s ancestors helped to build these stately monuments,” posits another family historian, confronted by the idea that she descends from a convicted nutmeg thief.

Milstead "prayed Clergy." He had an Anglican priest intervene to commute his sentence. The lad was thereon "reprieved under condition of transport." His commutation was exile, to spend years in the status of indentured servitude. On 13 March 1674 Milstead's group of reprieved convicts were ordered transported to Barbados or Jamaica. [See Bonded Passengers to America, Vol. III & IV, by Philip Slaughter, pg. 54.] In July 1674 Edward ‘was carted’ from Kent and sailed away.

To the New World
William Chandler presented “Edward Milstead, age 19” to the court in Charles County, Maryland in 1674. Records are pretty clear that Edward was indentured to the master of ‘Chandler's Hope,’ though I’ve found none to explain the young man's change of course. Maryland planters may have engaged agents to divert laborers north, to work their tobacco fields.

Milstead is likely to have arrived at Chandler's Town, which had in the not-too-distant past been renamed Port Tobacco. In the year of Milstead's arrival, the Charles County seat had been removed inland along a native trade route. The second courthouse in the entire Province of Maryland had just been erected, in the direction of Fort Zekiah, whence 'friendly' Piscataway peoples had been removed four years prior.

Chandler took Milstead on as a cobbler. “An immigrant with an actual trade obtained a much better indenture than unskilled laborers, who were put to work as field hands, so he likely had some previous training as a shoemaker,” says a researcher. “Interestingly, only two immigrants to the Tidewater area in the late 17th century gave their occupation as cobbler, of whom Edward was one.”

Declared a ‘freeman’ in 1680, Milstead completed his period of servitude when he was about 25 years old. "During the first period of convict transportation, convict servants who served out their terms generally enjoyed the same right to collect 'freedom dues' as indentured servants," declares Anthony Vaver, author of Bound with an Iron Chain, at his blog. It may be that Chandler provided Milstead with 50 acres of land as concluding compensation for his period of forced labor. I've found no land records indicating such. 

[This Moderate and Less Shamefull Way touched upon freemen at Province of Maryland in the era; the author has grown to appreciate the term as distinctive element in corporate governance, Massachusetts Bay Colony Company.]

Milstead may have been unique. Researchers report freed servants often promptly divested themselves of their parcels of land.

Milstead's new start was undoubtedly challenging: on 22 September 1682 he took a promissory note from one William Newman, likely for his first crops. It wouldn't be until November of the following year that the Sheriff seized Newman, and Milstead received a judgement of 1,400 lbs. of tobacco.
[See Charles County Circuit Court, Liber K; pp. 260, 266-7.]

A 1,000-acre parcel called Blew Plane is mentioned in an indenture to Giles Blizard, recorded 4 August 1684. [See Charles County Land Folio, Liber unk., #1.1] At age 28, Milstead leased this newly-acquired tract, variously called 'Bow Plain' or ‘Bow Plane,' from Blizard. Milstead made it produce. In June he took a note from a Thomas Kearsey, whereupon Kearsey agreed to pay Milstead 633 lbs. of tobacco 'in cask' on 10 October the following year. [See CCCC, Liber L; pp. 10, 73-74, 127-8.]

A Thomas Kersey had in 1681 petitioned the state Assembly for "Maintenance being Cripled in the Susquehannah Warr." [See Archives of Maryland, V. 7, pg 148, here.] Milstead may have been trusting the wrong caliber of men. When it came time for Milstead to collect, the Sheriff found Kearsey had "absented himself out of Maryland." Milstead won a judgment against Kearsey's estate for the tobacco and court costs, but was ordered a while later to post bond of 1,000 pounds of tobacco, in case Kearsey should reappear and contest the ruling.

Enter Susannah Clarke
In February 1685/86 (a period of double-dates in chronology), a John Butcher “acknowledged to be indebted to ye Lord Proprietary in £5 and Susan Clarke in £10 to be levied against them in case ye said Susan shall not appear at ye next court to prosecute Edward Milstead for a bastard child begotten on her body." [See CCCC, Liber M; pg. 90.]

[The Third Lord Baltimore, Charles Calvert (1637-1715), here as Maryland Proprietor, in 1669 introduced ancestor William Calvert (c1642/3-1682) to Provincial Council at This Moderate and Less Shamefull Way.]

I can’t tell you much – definitively – about Susannah Clarke (b c1658). The first birth recorded in Charles County Circuit Court, Birth, Deaths & Marriage Records is that of "William Millsteade [sic], son of Edward and Susanna Millsteade," born 20 July 1685. [See CCCC, Liber Q.]

As recorded, Susanna’s last name is surprising ... for it is not at all certain that William’s parents married. Without giving a source, an online post (likely by a descendant) states: “Trinity Parish Vestry records of Charles County, Maryland show birth registry of child William Milstead, son of Edward and Susanna Milstead, born 20 July 1685.” Church records establish legitimacy, and perhaps would not be recorded without an actual marriage between parents.

It is likely that Susannah Clarke was born in England, and also transported to the New World. Hargreaves-Mawdsley surveyed English records for his Servants to Foreign Plantations and reported a Susannah Clarke was a ‘primary immigrant’ from Bristol (not traveling with other family members). [See Bristol And America; A Record Of The First Settlers in The Colonies of North America, 1654-1685; London: R.S. Glover; 1929. Reprinted 1978.] No skills or point of origin are listed in the entry for Susannah Clarke: she was destined for the island of Nevis, location of the grueling but immensely profitable sugar trade. It was not unusual for children to be placed in bondage, their labor was at times used to pay parents’ debts. Though surname of Susannah’s parents is unknown to me, researchers think it likely that a John Clarke was her brother. Several named John Clarke were transported to Maryland.

Recorded 14 January 1675, agent Edward Yeamans arranged a 4-year indenture for a Susannah Clarke. On 11 January 1675, Clarke had been “presented as a servant” to Robert Thompson, in Charles County. It is this record [See CC Land Folio #1; pg. 63.] that gives Susannah’s age as 16, and from which I estimated her date of birth. Citing a slightly different page number [pg. 163] another researcher indicates Clarke was "dau. of Robert and Mary," and bound to Henry Robert Thompson.

The Marriage that Wasn't
Two weeks prior to this indenture, “Roger Boyden and Susanna Clarke was not lawfully joined in matrimony [sic] at Mr. Robert Thompson's house by Mr. Robert Barrott, in ye presence of Mr. Robert Doyne and his wife, Mr. John Fanning, Mr. James Boreman on ye first day of January Anno Dom. 1675.” This cryptic document reflects a decision by the Charles County Circuit Court, made subsequent to the ceremony. [See CCCC, Liber F.] It is not understood how long Clarke and Boyden thought themselves married. [See note on secret marriages below.]

I know little of groom Boyden, other than that he was likely born before 1654, in Saint Mary’s Parish, Maryland ... and that he may have been the youngest of four brothers.

Robert Barrott/ Barrett, who performed the ceremony, was likely in his mid-twenties at the time, and went on to marry a prosperous widow. In 1697 he and Clarke's master Thompson will have an outstanding debt settled in the George Plater estate ... administered by non-wedding guest Robert Doyne.

Witness John Fanning (bef 1641-1688) would, in 1679, have an outstanding debt to the estate of one Charles Gregory. So would Barret, who couldn't be found by then. Also in the list of debtors were Thompson and Chandler, masters of Clarke and Wilstead; and witness to the non-wedding, Robert Doyne.

Robert Doyne (c1640-1689) was, by the time of the non-event, a man of rising influence. He was a Justice and High Sheriff in Charles County. He and his brother Joshua had been transported to Maryland from Ireland about 1670. They may have spent time in Barbados. According to one descendant, “They were an Anglican family from County Wexford.” This source speculates the court ruled the Boyden-Clarke marriage illegal because it was a Catholic service.

In his 2007 text, All of the Above, Cook reports, “Both Robert and Joshua Doyne may have been Catholic. Or perhaps Robert was Anglican and Joshua was Catholic,” a stratagem employed to avoid making the family’s fortunes “too dependent on only one allegiance.” [See pg. 358.] Cook identifies Robert Doyne’s first wife as the former Mary Stone (c1656-1682). Mary, witness to the Boyden-Clarke non-wedding, was daughter to William Stone (1603-1660), Maryland’s third Colonial Governor and its first Protestant Governor. Catholic Lord Baltimore had appointed Stone Governor in 1654, at the conclusion of the Third English Civil War. Oliver Cromwell sent an armed squad to Maryland and ordered Stone replaced. Stone emerged from exile in Virginia; a Protestant backed by Cavalier forces. He was defeated and taken prisoner the following year.

[See This Moderate and Less Shamefull Way for Maryland Catholicism. Stone and his daughter Elizabeth appear.]

Court ledger, Charles County MD, March 1685/86

A Grand Jury was convened more than ten years after Clarke's non-wedding ... in March 1685/86. Sheriff Robert Doyne returned a panel of 15 men that included a John Clarke and Robert Thompson, likely the non-wedding host who went on to be Clarke's master. The body “do present Edward Milstead for getting Susannah Clarke with child of which she of said [illegible] is delivered.” [See image, right.] As one researcher posted: “Edward payed a fine of fifty pounds of tobacco for siring a bastard child.”

In November 1686 the Charles County Circuit Court ordered, “William Milstead, son of Edward Milstead, begotten on ye body of Susannah Clarke by ye said Edward, be bound to Thomas Craxton of Nangemie in Charles County till he comes to ye age of 21 years." [See CCCC, Liber M; pg. 226.] Young Willliam Milstead (1685-1742) was not yet a year-and-a-half old. This decision makes it unlikely that William’s parents had wed. Susannah was perhaps 26; the economically viable Edward Milstead, thirty years old. Their baby went into long-term bondage among Craxtons in Nanjemoy Parish.

I’ve lost Susannah’s paper trail at this point, but the rascal Edward Milstead’s legacy plays out over volumes of court records. He’d been involved in lawsuits since before leasing ‘Bow Plain.’ He’d had more success prior to Susannah Clarke’s accusations, but Milstead's fortunes continued to accumulate. An Edward Millsteed [sic] signed a statement “in support of The King,” in Prince George's County, Maryland, c1693.

Other family history researchers have difficulty assigning maternity for the Milstead daughter and three sons who followed William, for Edward Milstead did marry. Early estimates for Milstead’s marriage to Elizabeth ‘Eliza’ Ward (1667-c1719) come in around 1694.

Enter the Bitch Whore

The bride's father, John Ward (bef 1630-1687) had died: her mother, Damaris (d aft1699), had twice remarried before Elizabeth wed Edward Milstead. Ward's legacy contained more than 1,300 acres. Damaris and a son were executors of Ward's will and, despite language about her having rights to the 112-acre tract ‘Angerstone’ “during widowhood,” she and third husband, William Serjeant, were administering considerable Ward holdings when Milstead entered the family. Eliza and two sisters were to equally divide Damaris’ portion of the estate in the event of their mother’s death; it could be inferred from the will that their inheritance came due when Damaris remarried.

Damaris was not without notariety. With second husband Charles Shepherd, Damaris had brought slander charges against Elizabeth Brett and her husband. On 3 October 1691 - at Mattawoman in Charles County - Brett is to have called Damaris "an old satchell arse bastard bearing bitch whore," referring to Damrais' daughter, wife of John Gray [the former Ann Ward (1667-c1710)] as a bastard. Brett is to have made "several such like scandalous and malicious expressions." It was alleged that Brett's accusations of fornication and adultery “were false, maliciously made and were designed to injure Damaris' reputation," (which it was alleged had been good), and "to cause her to be forsaken by her husband.”

I've been unable to cull reference to a marriage record for John Ward and Damaris. Researchers tend to give a wedding date concurrent to the birth of first child Ann(e) (5 February 1663/4), who had died prior to the birth of namesake sister Anne, on 10 April 1667. Land records were being maintained in these primitive conditions, however: John Ward was living on James Lee's tract; acknowledged in November 1663 to have been legally purchased from Winganetta, native 'King of the Nanjemoy.' Damaris is not mentioned in this entry.

At the Court of 8 March 1691/2, "ye said action is abated by occasion of ye death of ye said Charles." [See CCCC, Liber R; pg. 384.] Perhaps the accusations had been hard on Charles Shepherd.

Damaris did not get the 5,000 pounds of tobacco she was suing for. However, I will say genial family historians – without being aware of this case – puzzle over several of the John and Damaris Ward children's birth dates, including Ann (Ward) Grey’s. 

By the end of 1696 Edward Milstead and Elizabeth had taken Damaris to court, alleging the mother, together with subsequent husbands, “failed to file an inventory or administration account for John Ward's estate, and have converted to her and their use and failed to protect the estate, in violation of John's will and the law, to the detriment of the children.” The court found in favor of the newlyweds. It appears that Milstead began administering John Ward’s properties, and carried on until all of Elizabeth’s siblings reached their majority; and perhaps until Damaris’ death.

Milstead's Ascent

Thus begins a string of victorious litigation. A Prince George's County Court finds Cornelius Hunt has trespassed against Milstead in January 1696/7. Milstead's wealth increases. By the turn of the century he’s acquired a 190-acre tract, ‘Good Luck if it Hits.’ His character is considered such that the one-time convict sits on juries, making judgments in the name of The King.

Then, in November 1700, Milstead is tried in the name of The King for assault on the body of William Grey. Milstead pleads not guilty, and a jury concurs in January 1701. [See CCCC, Liber Y, p. 127.] William may have been a relative of Milstead's brother-in-law, (Ann Ward's husband) John Grey. It probably doesn't help William's case that John Grey was an informer in 1686/87, accusing Sheriff Robert Doyne of receiving stolen goods, and that the Lord Proprietary had declared Doyne “to be free and clear of the crime above imposed on him.” [See CCCC, Liber N; pg. 166 & pp. 286-7]

Milstead is – by 1701 – styled ‘Planter.’ He’s squarely in the landed gentry. By 1707 he holds the 100-acre tract called 'Nonsuch' (or 'Nonesuch') in Nanjemoy Hundred. He becomes associated with tracts named ‘Ignatius' Winter,’ ‘Ward’s Addition,’ and the 150-acre parcel, ‘Milstead Range.’

It appears that Milstead’s relationship with his former master was amicable. On 31 March 1707 Chandler had surveyed a 160-acre tract adjoining Milstead’s ‘Good Luck.’ Chandler whimsically called it ‘Orphan’s Loss.’ [See 1642-1753 Rent Rolls Charles County, Maryland, p. 380, sequence 28.]

Following a brisk regimen of mostly successful lawsuits, culminating with the elder Milstead being found in contempt in 1715, the former 'transported convict' has gained serious financial clout by age fifty. (A documented Loyalist, he perhaps had the means to bribe corrupt royal officials to help achieve his goals.) Quite wealthy; Milstead provides surety for a string of estates as they are being settled. He knows property values and has learned whom he can trust ... so as not lose the financial guarantee he’s made. Milstead is a lender: I've discovered at least eight estates that, when settled between 1698 and 1728, make payments to Edward Milstead.

Milstead’s wife Elizabeth died, likely in 1719. We soon find evidence of collaboration between Edward Milstead and his bastard son William, who'd completed his indenture to Craxton a dozen years earlier. On 19 March 1719/20, William (then perhaps 35 years of age, married and a father) was made administrator of the estate of his father-in-law Henry Blanchard/ Blanksheat/ Blankshot. William's father gave surety, which might indicate that Edward trusted and esteemed his illegitimate son.

By October 1720 Edward had remarried. Third wife, Mary Lemaster (1665-c1733), had – in 1718 – been widowed by her (perhaps second) husband, John Shekertie/ Shaklet/ Sherklie. Mary would draw income from the 100-acre tract ‘Ingothorp’[likely 'Inglethorp'] for the rest of her days.

It’s more likely that Milstead's 20-something son, Edward Milstead Jr. (c1693-c1783), carried out the task, but in November 1717 the court “allows Edward Milstead 180 lbs. of tobacco for 45 squirrel heads (4 lbs. each) and 12 lbs of tobacco for 2 crow heads (6 lbs. each.).” [See: CCCC, Liber I, #2; pp. 35-6.] At this rate of exchange, Milstead Sr. could have paid his fine for siring a bastard child by securing the heads of eight crows and a squirrel.

1671 - Northerne part of Virginia

I’m just reminded by the pest control account that, absent in my post is sufficient reference to pioneer conditions. The Crown’s administrative authority over the Chesapeake basin had only (and likely, nominally) been established five years before Milstead’s arrival: in fact, the Dutch controlled territory we now think of as Maryland. It was an unsettled place with indistinct boundaries.

In 1729 Edward Milstead’s vigor seems to subside. On 11 Febrary, Edward Milstead Sr., Planter, conveyed the 190-acre tract ‘Good Luck if it Hits’ to Edward, “for the natural love that he has for his son ... and for divers other good causes” “And likewise, another tract of land called Nonsuch … laid out for about 100 acres.” Edward, Sr. made his mark (an ‘E’) on the document. [See CCCC Liber M No. 2; page 194.] Milstead’s second (by most accounts) legitimate son, Thomas Milstead (1696-1737), likely with his father’s backing, had also been acquiring land. He was already styled ‘Planter’ when on 24 June 1727 he bought “for 3,200 pounds of tobacco in cask and for divers other good causes,” a tract called ‘Winter's Employment’ from (likely his uncle) Walter Winter and William Godfrey. [See CCCC, Liber L, #2; pg. 448.]

By 1707 Edward Milstead and Susannah Clarke’s ‘out of wedlock’ son William had concluded his parent's indenture. Thomas was in relationship with his illegitimate, half-brother: on 12 June 1733, Thomas conveyed to “William Milstead of Charles County, Planter, and his now wife, Elizabeth, for divers good causes and for the yearly rent of 500 lbs. of tobacco each Nov 10, 130 acres … called ‘Winter's Imployment [sic],’ including the house and plantation, with free liberty of cutting down timber for the plantation's use, provided he makes no waste thereof,” during the natural lives of said William and Elizabeth. [See CC Land Folio, Liber M, #2; pg. 344.]

Edward Milstead, Sr. made out his last will on 13 December 1733. He was dead before mid-January, having lived about seventy-six years:

In the name of God Amen. I Edward Milstead, Sr. of Charles County in the province of Maryland ... being sick of body but of sound and ... memory thanks to God ... do make and ordain this my last will and testament in manner and form following, that is to say first and ... I commit and commend my soul and spirit into the hands of Almighty God hoping through his mercy and the merits of my dear Saviour's blood which he hath shed for me and all others who through faith and belief in His name do obtain ... and ...

My body I commit unto the earth and to Christian and ... burial to the discretion of my well beloved wife Mary if she survives me or my eldest son if he die before and touching the disposal of my temporal estate which God hath blessed me with all my will is to dispose thereof as followeth:

Item: I give unto my son Edward Milstead my wearing apparel also an orphan boy Jno Ettil?? and one pair of hand millstones and one pair of iron ... at my decease.

Item: I give unto my wife Mary Milstead the one third of my cattle and of hoggs and of the ... during her life and after her depose to fall to Jno (?) Milstead and William Milstead also appoint my well beloved wife Mary Milstead the whole executor of this my last will and testament.

Item: I give unto James Mordock one cow and calf at my decease.

Item: I give and bequeath the residue of my personal estate which is not here mentioned to be equally divided in three parts between William Milstead and John Milstead and John [likely Grew, perhaps Grey]

And there it is, Edward Milstead, Sr. Planter and once-convicted thief, ultimately claimed his illegitimate son William as next-of-kin. Milstead may have fathered other children out of wedlock. In addition to not naming his daughters, the document concludes:

“All my children that are not here mentioned I give unto them one shilling.”

Freedom Denied
While the rise of Edward Milstead, Sr. (1656-1734) - plucked from his laboring class life in England and rising to higher status as landed gentry in the New World - is inescapable in this account, indentured servitude weaves its way throughout this cast of characters.

Five years after committing his ‘out of wedlock’ son William to two decades of bondage, Milstead contracts for a servant. In 1691 Francis Hanby is to have bound his son, John Hanby, “which he had by Elizabeth Harleton,” to Edward Millstead [sic]. In 1695 Francis bound out his wife Alise's seven-year-old son Samuel Barker - born to a previous marriage. Under the right circumstances, indentured servitude in Maryland may have brought social and economic advance. By 1725, Charles Countian John Hanby is also styled 'Planter.'

Perhaps eight years after his father's death, James Ward, "son of John Ward (dec'd) and Dameris, his wife, alias Damaris Sarjeant, the natural mother of James Ward," forms his own indenture. On 17 July 1694 James "bounds himself to Robert Edmondson." [See Charles County Land Folio S, #1.430]

In November 1710 Margaret Smith, age 19, would also be bound to Edward Milstead, Sr. [See CC Land Folio, Liber M, #2.200] 'Indenture' was a term used interchangeably in contracting for humans, crops and land leases.

"Indentured servants resembled other groups of colonial migrants, including African slaves and transported convicts. Indentured servants, in fact, often were called "white slaves,'" declares Murphy, in his Origins of Colonial Chesapeake Indentured Servants. "All three groups experienced mistreatment. The groups also differed. Convict servants were the only group whose emigration and unpaid labor were penalties imposed for criminal behavior. Whether indentured servants were voluntary or forced laborers, their indentures were temporary, unlike the Africans, who were enslaved for life."

Until just prior to Edward Milstead, Sr.'s arrival in the new world, slaves were "treated as indentured servants, and given the same opportunities for freedom dues as whites. However, slave laws were soon passed ... and any small freedoms that might have existed for blacks were taken away, declares History Detectives. Only two years after his arrival, Maryland passed an act making importation of convicts much more difficult. Smith, in his Colonists in Bondage, indicates Milstead may have been one of only 200 to arrive in Maryland under such circumstances. [See page 104.]

Being indentured did not have the ruptive effects on family I imagined. Edward Milstead, Sr. left "orphan boy John E [illegible]" to his son Edward in 1733. A John Elgin witnessed Edward Jr.'s 1771 will. If this is the same John, it might indicate that being received as property did not close the pathway to subsequent trust and affection. Edward Sr.'s son Thomas left the tract 'Mountain' or 'Mountaine' to his illegitimate, half-brother William in 1737. Familial bonds were more resilient than I expected. There was far less stigma in 18th century Maryland - surrounding illegitimacy and indentured servitude - than I imagined.

My People
I went into this work with the understanding that Jane Milstead (1705-1776), my 5th great-grandmother, was the product of union between William Milstead and wife Susannah Blanchard/ Blanchet/ Blanshot. It came as quite a surprise to discover William born in such inauspicious circumstances. However, through developing this post, I've learned William and Susannah did not marry until 1717. Jane may have been born out of wedlock to a twenty-year-old William, but I find it more likely that she descends - as others contend - from William's father, Edward Milstead, Sr., and wife Elizabeth Ward (daughter of the satchel-assed bitch).

It’s commonly asserted that my 5th great-grandfather, Virginian Thomas Ford (1704-1776), married Jane Milstead at her father’s home. I’m now willing to posit that the couple were likely wed on the plantation ‘Good Luck If It Hits.’

In 1725, Ford begins amassing land grants from Lord Fairfax, including tracts on Pope’s Head Creek, off the Occoquan River and almost due west, across the Potomac from Milstead holdings at Charles County. Ford attains the stature of Vestryman in Truro Parish. Notes from February 1776 show him in deep planning with another member of the parish: Ford and Col. George Washington are laying out the plans for a new church building … with the exacting detail I've come to expect from the nation's first President. [See The History of Truro Parish in Virginia, by Peter Coldham, pg. 137.]

The Fords bear, as their 2nd son and 7th surviving child, Edward Ford, Sr. (1734-1814). Edward also marries well: the mother of his bride, Elizabeth Keith (1745-1821), was a Randolph. Edward too becomes Vestryman in Truro Parish and - despite doubling the size of landholdings he’d inherited - brings his children onto thousands of fresh, uncultivated Kentucky acres he (with a Charles Morgan) had surveyed for him on the Licking River. With them is daughter Susan Tarleton Ford (1770-1830). She will marry James Rogers (1771-1840) in 1810. To them will be born Adeline Ford Rogers (1812-1887) and she will marry Dr. Joseph Early (1800-1871) in 1838. They will give birth to my great-grandfather, Rogers Randolph Early on 1 March 1852. I derive my first name from Rogers' son, subsequently styled Roger Randolph Early.

[Young Fellows upon Wrong Pursuits centers on Elizabeth's mother, Mary Isham (Randolph) Keith (c1718-1753). While She Was Laughing Them To Scorn introduces Elizabeth's father, Rev. James Keith (1696-1753). Roger Randolph Early, Jr. (1893-1951), appears in A Basket Filled with Tears and Flowers.]

Discovering I descend from a man for years denied his freedom was initially startling. I now understand at least a quarter of those arriving in the Province of Maryland, contemporary to Edward Milstead and Susannah Clarke, were contracted into forced labor. Despite Milstead's eventual success, Crown policy sticks in my craw. Europe's economy was depressed, and both skilled and unskilled laborers were without work. Drawing income from New World lands, obtained by conquest, would have been attractive to royal investors. But the family rupture with preceding Milstead generations was significant, whether due to shame or the difficulty of a likely illiterate communicating with his European family in primitive conditions.

TOP

Notes:
Though Susannah Clarke's soon-to-be master was a 1675 wedding guest, it is interesting to see that Virginia Law weighed in on secret marriages:

"WHEREAS many greate abuses and much detriment have been found to arise both against the lawe of God and likewise to the service of many masters of ffamilies in the collonie, occasioned through secret marriages of servants, their masters and mistresses not any waies made privie thereunto, As also by comitting of ffornication; for the prevention of the like abuses hereafter, Be it enacted, and confirmed by this Grand Assembly that what servant soever hath since January, 1656, or hereafter shall secretly marrie with any maid or woman servant without the consent of her master or mistresse, (if she be a widowe) hee or they soe offending shall in the first place serve out his or their times with his or their master or mistresse, and after shall serve his or their master or mistresse one complete yeare more for such offence comited, And the maid or woman servant so marrying without consent as aforesaid shall for such her offence to her master or mistresse serve one year after her freedom by indenture ..."

Also:
I managed, initially, to find the wrong Susannah Clarke; but in so doing, learned something about colonial practices tending to anchor marriage.

By custom, Maryland couples married in the mid-17th century were awarded a flitch of bacon (side of salted and cured pork) ... if they could swear to not having regretted their marriage for a year and a day. In 1659 Susan and James Atchison gave depositions in a Calvert County, Maryland case involving Cornelius Abrams: "Susan Acheson wife unto James Atchison aged 27 yeares or thereabouts, Sayth That John Knap did deliuer unto Two of Cornelius Abrams seruants ffowre fflitches of Bacon, for the use of their Master, & to the best of her remembrance they weighed One hundd & fifty pownds ..." Susannah Clarke - subject in this Milstead account and likely born in 1658 - was not yet in the New World. The maiden name for Susan Atchison (referenced here) is unknown. She was born c1632 and later took her final surname from a fourth husband, Richard Clarke.

I am indebted to the 96,000 entries Mike Marshall has compiled at 1658-1758 Charles County MD Families: The first 100 years.